Monday, December 22, 2008

ANCIENT 3D MAP FOUND IN RUSSIA


Scientists at Bashkir State University in Russia claim to have found infallible proof of the existence of a highly developed civilization in the very ancient past. Their evidence is a one-ton plus stone slab (about five feet long, by three-and-a-half feet wide, and six inches thick) which they estimate to be, perhaps, millions of years old. Located beneath the house of a local community leader in the town of Ufa, the slab’s surface is a precisely detailed 3-D relief map of the Ural Mountain region. Its discoverer has dubbed it “The Map of the Creator.”

 

The discoverer, physics and mathematics professor Alexander Chuvyrov had been researching evidence of ancient Chinese influence in the area and had heard stories by early 20th century investigators of several mysterious ancient slabs. Though interested, Chuvyrov had despaired of finding one himself, when the chairman of the local agricultural committee told him of such a stone beneath his own house.

 

After a difficult recovery operation, Chuvyrov reports being startled to discover that the map accurately reveals many presently existing natural features plus many which no longer exist, including a system of channels, weirs and dams, as well as inscriptions in an unknown language (Chinese has been ruled out).

 

First discovered in July, 1999 the slab has been subjected to numerous tests by Russian scientists. The results have been baffling, to say the least. Determinations of age have been based on radio carbon dating of shells embedded in the material, but not much can be said with certainty about the origins of the stone. The technical difficulty of creating such an accurate relief map is far beyond that of any ancient culture previously believed by orthodox scientists to have occupied the region, or, for that matter, any place on earth. Such a production would, in fact, be very difficult to replicate even now.

 

Some investigators believe the slab is a fragment of a complete map of the earth. A search for the missing pieces is under way.

 

LINK


Saturday, December 20, 2008

STEVEN ERIKSON




An archaeologist and anthropologist, and a graduate of the Iowa Writers’ Workshop, Steven Erikson recently returned to Canada after a number of years in the UK and now lives in Winnipeg. His first fantasy novel, GARDENS OF THE MOON, was shortlisted for a World Fantasy Award and the second, DEADHOUSE GATES, was voted 'one of the 10 best fantasy novels of the year'.


The Malazan Empire simmers with discontent, bled dry by interminable warfare, bitter infighting and bloody confrontations with the formidable Anomander Rake, lord of Moon's Spawn, and his Tiste Andii. Even the imperial legions, long inured to the bloodshed, yearn for some respite. Yet Empress Laseen's rule remains absolute, enforced by her dread Claw assassins. For Sergeant Whiskeyjack and his squad of Bridgeburners, and for Tattersail, surviving sorceress of the Second Legion, the aftermath of the siege of Pale should have been a time to mourn the many dead. But Darujhistan, last of the Free Cities of Genabackis, yet holds out and it is to this ancient citadel that Laseen turns her predatory gaze. However, it would appear that the Empire is not alone in this great game. Sinister, shadowbound forces are gathering as the gods themselves prepare to play their hand... Conceived and written on a panoramic scale, Gardens of the Moon is epic fantasy of the highest order - an enthralling adventure by an outstanding new voice.

Thursday, December 18, 2008

CHINESE WORLD MAPS


Chinese Globe, 1623

Maps provide an excellent illustration of the way different cultures conceive of and represent the world around them. Whether maps depict street names and shops in small local spaces or the entire cosmos, maps reflect the cultural values of both their producers and their intended audience. Naturally then, Chinese maps of “the world” tell us a great deal about the way the Chinese have viewed themselves and others through time and across political boundaries.

Since at least the tenth century Chinese scholars have produced what we might call “world maps.” However, until the late nineteenth century, people contemplating any given “world map” often had difficulty determining exactly where “China” ended and where the rest of “the world” began.This difficulty arose because large-scale cartographic representations of space during late imperial times in China involved a number of overlapping political, cultural, and geographical images, identified either by dynastic names (Song,Yuan, Ming, and Qing) or by designations such as the Central (Cultural) Florescence (a state or period of flourishing, Zhonghua), the Spiritual Region (Shenzhou), the Nine Regions (Jiuzhou), the Central Kingdom (Zhongguo), the Central Land (Zhongtu), and All under Heaven (Tianxia). The relationship between these conceptions is by no means always evident in traditional Chinese maps.

Many, if not most, premodern Chinese world maps show an abiding concern with the so-called tributary system, which endured as a prominent feature of China’s foreign policy down to the late nineteenth century. This system, which underwent many changes through time, was designed to confirm the long-standing theory that all of the people living beyond China’s constantly shifting borders, like all those people within them, were in some sense Chinese subjects.

The bringing of tribute to the Chinese emperor by foreign “representatives” testified to this conceit. As loyal subjects they dated their communications by the Chinese calendar, came to court, presented their “local products,” and performed all appropriate rituals of submission, including the standard three kneelings and nine prostrations (kowtow). In turn they received a patent of appointment as well as an official seal for correspondence with the Chinese “Son of Heaven.” They were given lavish presents, offered protection, and often granted privileges of trade at the frontier and at the capital. This assumption of universal overlordship blurred the distinction between maps of “China” and Chinese maps of “the world.”

Earliest World Maps

The earliest existing world maps in China date from the Song dynasty (960–1279 CE). One of the most famous examples is the amorphous (having no definite form) Huayi tu (Map of China and the Barbarians, 1136), a 3- meter-square work, carved in stone, that boasts about five hundred place names and identifies a dozen or so rivers. The map shows a few foreign lands visually—notably, Korea and India—but it represents more than a hundred different groups of “barbarian” peoples only by written notes in the margins. Several of these notes refer specifically to tributary relationships, past and present.

However, not all Song dynasty renderings of space followed this amorphous model. Indeed, inscribed on the reverse side of the Huayi tu is an astonishingly “modern”- looking work entitled the Yuji tu (Map of the Tracks of Yu, 1136). It is the earliest existing example of the so-called latticework cartographic grid in China.The outstanding feature of this map, in addition to the near total absence of written commentary, is its extremely “accurate” depiction of major landforms, including the Shandong Peninsula, as well as China’s two major waterways, the Huang (Yellow) River and the Chang (Yangzi) River.

Throughout the remainder of the imperial era, down to 1911, Chinese cartographers continued to produce both kinds of world maps. However, tributary-oriented “cultural” representations of the Huayi tu variety vastly outnumbered mathematically accurate ones. Although Jesuit missionaries brought sophisticated surveying techniques to China in the seventeenth century, enabling the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) to create extraordinarily “accurate” maps of the empire for certain political and strategic purposes, they did not inspire a more general cartographic revolution in China, much less provoke a change in the way the Chinese viewed the world.

To be sure, Chinese scholars were not averse to using Western cartographic knowledge selectively. Consider, for example, Cao Junyi’s Tianxia jiubian fenye renji lucheng quantu (A Complete Map of Allotted Fields, Human Events and Travel Routes [within and without] the Nine Border Areas under Heaven, 1644).This expansive work acknowledges the existence of Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and India and gestures toward mathematical accuracy by providing longitudinal lines and degrees (which do not, however, correlate well with specific locations). However, the Middle East and India are represented primarily by cartouches (ornate or ornamental frames), and Africa—which appears only about one-tenth the size of China—hangs down on the western side of Cao’s map as if it were little more than a protective flank. Europe, tiny and even more marginal, is barely recognizable in the upper northwest portion of the map. Significantly, in his treatment of “barbarians” Cao does not differentiate clearly between actual foreign countries and the lands and peoples described in ancient mythical works such as the Shanhai jing (Classic of Mountains and Seas).

Cartographic Traditions

We can see another effort to integrate radically different cartographic traditions into a single production in the work of Ma Junliang (flourished c. 1780). Although his Jingban tianwen quantu (Capital Edition of a Complete Map [Based on] Astronomy, c. 1790) is dominated by a rectangular Huayi tu-style rendering of “the world,” with inscriptions that emphasize the process by which “barbarian” envoys come to China and offer themselves as vassals of the Qing dynasty, it also boasts a seventeenth century Chinese version of a Jesuit map of the Western Hemisphere and a similarly structured, but more detailed, Chinese map of the Eastern Hemisphere that was first published by Chen Lunjiong in his Haiguo wenjian lu (Record of Things Heard and Seen in the Maritime Countries) in 1730.

The rise of Western imperialism during the nineteenth century brought a new level of global awareness to China. Intelligence-gathering efforts during the Anglo- Chinese War of 1839–1842 began the process, and by the end of the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895) the traditional Chinese worldview had been completely undermined. From this time onward in elite journals and even popular almanacs and encyclopedias, Chinese readers sought ever more accurate knowledge about other parts of the world, including Japan.

As in many other aspects of Chinese life after 1895, the rise of Chinese nationalism—generated by China’s humiliating defeat by the Japanese—brought a revolution in Chinese cartography. One revealing example is a map taken from a popular almanac of 1912—the year the Qing dynasty fell. Although not particularly sophisticated in terms of mathematical cartography, it is instructive because its commentaries identify all the places taken from China by foreign imperialism—including the province of Taiwan and the former tributary states of Korea, the Liuqiu Islands, and Vietnam. Chinese cartography had suddenly become irrevocably “global” in a radically new and highly nationalistic way.

Further Reading

Harley, J. B.,& Woodward,D. (Eds.). (1994). The history of cartography: Vol. 2, Book 2. Cartography in the traditional east and southeast Asian societies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Hostetler, L. (2001). Qing colonial enterprise: Ethnography and cartography in early modern China. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Howland, D. R. (1996). Borders of Chinese civilization: Geography and history at empire’s end. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Leonard, J. K. (1984).Wei Yuan and China’s rediscovery of the maritime world. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Smith, R. J. (1996). Chinese maps: Images of all under heaven. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Smith,R. J. (1998). Mapping China’s world: Cultural cartography in late imperial times. In Y.Wen-hsin (Ed.), Landscape, culture and power in Chinese society (pp. 52–109). Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California, Center for East Asian Studies.

Yamashita, K. (1996). Japanese maps of the Edo period. Tokyo: Kashiwashobo.

Yee, C. D. K. (1996). Space and place: Mapmaking east and west. Annapolis, MD: St. John’s College.

Tuesday, December 16, 2008

MALDEN ISLAND



The desolate Malden Island contains an assortment of megalithic monuments.

On the barren Pacific islet of Malden, completely uninhabited by native islanders since first discovered by European explorers in the early 1800s, lie the remains of a mysterious megalithic culture. From several temple complexes near the center of the island radiates an ancient highway system that spans across the island like a giant spider web. An ancient high­way system composed of large basalt slabs fitted tightly together runs across the island, crosses the beach and disappears under the waves of the Pacific. The ancient highways on Malden Island, better described as “paved ways,” are very similar to the Ara Metua, a paved road on Rarotonga Island, 1,000 miles (1,610 km) to the south of Malden. The Ara Metua road on Rarotonga is essentially an island circuit road that goes around the island. Rarotonga, like Malden Island and many others in the Pacific, has a number of pyramid-platforms connected by the megalithic roads.

Malden Island is a deserted location a thousand miles from anywhere. Why it contains temples, pyramid-platforms and ancient paved paths leading directly into the ocean is still a mystery.

Several step-pyramids, platforms, megaliths, and strange stacks of stones are scattered across Malden Island. Stepped and truncated pyramids measure in the range of 30 feet (9 m) in height, 20 to 60 feet (6-18 m) in width, and 90 to 200 feet (27-60 m) in length. The pyramids are approached by paved ways from the sea and are capped with dolmens or “compass stones.” These 40 stone temples on Malden Island are described as similar in design to the buildings of Nan Madol on Pohnpei, some 3,400 miles (5,475 km) away.

What was the purpose of all these platforms? Were they part of an ancient sun-worshipping cult, altars for Polynesian chiefs, or a “crossroad” meeting place for a seafaring nation? And what of the paved ways leading into the sea? Evidence for the lost Pacific continent of Mu, or Lemuria? Speculation also suggests that Malden Island is positioned on a spe­cial power point upon the Earth Grid, acknowledged and venerated by the ancients. This island may have been an important stopover place on trans-Pacific voyages, but the reality is that no one really knows. One thing is for certain; some mysterious group put a large amount of effort into building megalithic monuments on an island that could hardly support even a small population.

LINK

Monday, December 15, 2008

PC-ONLY RPG/STRATEGY GAME KING ARTHUR. Update


“And then on the following day they came to Arthur’s court. They seemed like giants, wearing black steel and strange weapons. They were powerful and invincible warriors and people called them the Knights. No one knows who they are. No one knows where they came from.

But they might be Arthur’s only hope to stand against the coming tide of wonders, mayhem and awe.”

NeocoreGames, a fresh and talented game developer team from Hungary would like to announce their new PC-only RPG/Strategy game King Arthur.

Three years in the making, this grandiose storytelling game by NeocoreGames is an innovative mixture of the best gameplay elements from the RPG and strategy games, with a unique and beautiful visual representation.

Players will guide the legendary King Arthur in the game and conquer the warring provinces of Britannia until they unite the realm. Meanwhile, they will recruit the fabled knights of the Round Table and send them to adventures, personally improving them to become the most powerful he­roes of the realm. They will build the majestic Camelot and govern a growing realm, while commandeering spectacular battles where many thousands clash on the field. Every deci­sion they make will determine Arthur’s Morality as a king, creating their own legend – Arthur could a rightful ruler or ruthless monarch; either a Christian or a pagan king.

King Arthur is based on the rich mythology of the Celtic and Anglo-Saxon legends that inspired many artists in the past, from J.R.R. Tolkien to the modern masters of fan­tasy, but at the same time it has a unique and innovative approach to its chosen background.

King Arthur will be released in the first half of 2009 and offers more than 100 hours of gameplay and multiplayer gaming modes for all fans of fantasy and hardcore gamers.

NeocoreGames now offers concept artwork.

Sunday, December 14, 2008

BA’ALBEK




Snuggled deep within the scenic Beqa’a Valley is an age-old acropolis devoted to, at different times, a wide variety of gods and goddesses. It was originally dedicated to Semitic divinities: El; Ba’al; and his goddess partner Astarte, whose cult involved prostitution and sacred orgies. Next came the Greek temples of Zeus, Aphrodite, and Hermes. The Romans built right on top of the Greek locations but changed the deity names to Jupiter, Venus, and Mercury. Biblical sources attribute the founding of Ba’albek to Cain after his banishment by Jehovah. The three Roman temples are the only to survive largely intact, and the Venus monument is regarded the most complete Roman temple in the world.

In times of antiquity, large numbers of pilgrims came from Mesopotamia and the Nile Valley to visit the legendary Ba’al–Astarte complex and its oracle. The Bible mentions Ba’albek in the Book of Kings. Underneath the temple complex is a vast network of underground tunnels, which were likely intended to provide shelter for the multitudes of pilgrims. Ancient Arab writings tell that the Temples of Ba’al–Astarte were constructed a short time after the Great Flood. According to legend, the structures were built at the order of the renowned King Nimrod and a “tribe of giants.”

The acropolis of Ba’albek, with its massive temples and imposing ruins, is one of the most enigmatic sites in the world. The Roman sanctuaries were located upon earlier Greek temples, and those were built upon much older Semitic ruins. While the Roman and Greek architectural wonders do not pose archaeological problems, the earlier Semitic ruins certainly do. Most confounding is the enclosure wall called the Trilithon, composed of three hewn blocks of stone each weighing more than 750 tons (680,000 kg)!

The Trilithon wall is an amazing feat of construction. The colossal blocks of stone were raised 22 feet (6.6 m) above slightly smaller blocks. There is no crane in the modern world that can lift even half the weight of these Trilithon stones. Furthermore, not even a knife blade can be inserted between these gigantic blocks because they are so expertly fitted together. Another stone called Hadjar el Gouble, Arabic for “Stone of the South,” is in a nearby quarry and is even larger than the Trilithon stones. The Stone of the South is 13 by 13 feet (4 m) and nearly 70 feet (21 m) long, and is estimated to weigh at least 1,000 tons (907,000 kg)! It is the largest hewn stone in the world.

Although Ba’albek contains a large amount of Roman ruins, it is very unlikely the Romans or the Greeks constructed the Trilithon, but merely ‘piggybacked’ on an already sacred site as is common worldwide. The Greeks called the site “Heliopolis,” which means “Sun Temple” or “Sun City,” yet this prehistoric Sun Temple was built on the ruins of a much older Semitic structure. The massive platform was constructed by an ancient race of highly sophisticated builders, who, it has been suggested, employed a sort of sound harmonics to render the stones weightless in order to set them into place


LINK


Friday, December 12, 2008

REACHING A NEW WORLD




Leif Eriksson sailed to and explored North America. In this 1996 photograph, a man dressed in traditional Viking clothing and armor poses at L’Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland, Canada.

With their mastery of the North Atlantic nearly complete and their expeditionary zeal still strong, it was perhaps inevitable that the Vikings would eventually reach North America. Historians now agree that Erik’s son Leif Eriksson explored the North American coast in about 1000. The story of the Norse exploration of Greenland and North America is told in two Icelandic sagas recorded in the 12th and 13th centuries, Eiríks saga (Saga of Erik the Red) and the Groenlendinga saga (Saga of the Greenlanders).

The Eiríks saga insists that Leif found “lands which he did not even know existed,” and many scholars believe that Leif reached North America by accident after being blown far off course on a summer voyage from Norway to Iceland. Leif, however, was not necessarily the first European to sight the New World. The Groenlendinga saga reports that the Icelandic merchant Bjarni Herjulfsson had been blown off course on a voyage from Iceland to Greenland in 986 and had told Leif Eriksson of finding an unknown land far to the west. According to this version, Leif acquired Bjarni’s ship and set out in the summer of 1001 specifically to find and explore that country.

In either case, Leif sailed westward and reached North America. The Greenlanders’ saga goes on to describe how he first sighted a frozen waste he called Helluland (“Flat-stoneland,” generally agreed to be Baffin Island, in Canada, lying southwest of Greenland and north of Hudson Bay). Sailing southward along the coast, he came to a wooded region with grasslands and an enormous stretch of sandy beach. He named this place Markland (“Forest-land,” tentatively identified as Labrador). Sailing farther south, he came to a temperate forested land where wild wheat and grapevines grew. This place he named Vinland (“Wine-land”); modern scholars identify the likeliest locale as Newfoundland and suggest that the so-called grapes, which do not grow at this latitude, were in fact some kind of cranberry or red currant. The Norse built themselves shelters and explored during the winter and spring. They returned to Greenland in the summer to tell of the plentiful “grapes,” salmon, timber, and grassland they had discovered.

Of several subsequent Norse voyages to North America, none resulted in permanent settlement. Leif’s brother Thorvald led one group of colonists to Vinland in 1003, but after only two winters, hostilities with Native Americans caused them to leave. Another serious attempt to colonize Vinland came a year or so later when Eriksson relative Thorfinn Karlsefni organized a fleet of three ships carrying more than 100 settlers and their livestock. They are believed to have spent their first winter on the shore of the St. Lawrence River estuary, where Snorri was born to Thorfinn and his wife, Gudrid, becoming the first European child to be born in North America.

The Vikings referred to the Native Americans as skroelings (“barbarians” or “weaklings”) but were nevertheless willing to trade with them, the Norse taking animal skins in exchange for red cloth. Workable business relations turned hostile, however, and Thorfinn’s group abandoned their settlement after a few years. Yet another expedition to Vinland led by Erik the Red’s daughter Freydis failed after she murdered her partner. The Vikings finally gave up on North America sometime between 1010 and 1025. They may have continued to harvest much-needed timber in Markland, but it evidently proved unsound economically to maintain settlements there. In their own terms—the desire to colonize—the Viking adventure in North America must be judged a failure.

Wednesday, December 10, 2008

SOLVING THE RIDDLE OF THE DESERT GLASS

Vincenzo de Michele visited the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, and noticed that one of King Tutankhamun’s jeweled breastplates contained a carved scarab that looked suspiciously like a piece of the glass. A simple optical measurement confirmed the match in 1998.

The mysterious glass “yellowgreen jewels that have smooth surfaces sculpted by the incessant wind.”


Red Storm simulated the airburst and impact of a 120-meter diameter stony asteroid, shown in this sequence. Meteoric vapor mixes with the atmosphere to form an opaque fireball with a temperature of thousands of degrees. The hot vapor cloud expands to a diameter of 10 km within seconds, still in contact with the surface.


It was in 1932 that British explorers in Model-A Fords first visited this area of western Egypt, where they discovered a mysterious yellow-green glass scattered across the surface. Ever since, Libyan Desert Glass has fascinated scientists, who have dreamed up all sorts of ideas about how it could have formed. It’s too silicarich to be volcanic. In some ways it resembles the tektites generated by the high pressures associated with asteroid impacts. That observation is the starting point of a scientific debate that became the subject of the documentary filmed for National Geographic and BBC.


I was chosen to participate in the role of a dissenter from the preferred explanation that the glass was formed by direct shock-melting by a crater-forming asteroid impact. I had stumbled into the debate by accident in 1996, when I attended a conference on the subject of the 1908 explosion of an asteroid or comet that knocked down nearly a thousand square miles of trees in Siberia. I stayed an extra day to attend a meeting about the desert glass, where I argued that similar — but larger — atmospheric explosions could create fireballs that would be large and hot enough to fuse surface materials to glass, much like the first atomic explosion generated green glass at the Trinity site in 1945.


King Tut connection

Shortly after that workshop, one of the Italian organizers made a discovery that raised public interest in the subject. Vincenzo de Michele visited the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, and noticed that one of King Tutankhamun’s jeweled breastplates contained a carved scarab that looked suspiciously like a piece of the glass. A simple optical measurement confirmed the match in 1998. The connection of a catastrophic explosion with the treasures of ancient Egypt became a sure-fire formula for a documentary.


Last December, when I was first asked by the producer to be interviewed, I was a little skeptical. After all, television is known more for sensationalism than for scientific accuracy, and the King Tut connection had fueled pseudoscientific speculation on the web. One website even presents fanciful “Evidence for Ancient Atomic War,” making the case that Egyptians had detonated nuclear weapons (but ignoring the fact that the glass is 29 million years old). Did I want to be part of this?


Fortunately, I was assured by other scientists that this would be a legitimate documentary that would focus on natural explanations for this enigmatic glass. In February, I found myself in Cairo with Dr. de Michele, getting a firsthand look at King Tut’s glass scarab and preparing for nine days in the desert.


Great Sand Sea

Our jumping-off point was the Bahariya Oasis, a large valley of villages and adobe houses. After the 300-kilometer drive on a two-lane highway through the lifeless desert, the irrigated fields were startlingly green — the last green we would see for some time.


Leaving the road, we embark on a 1,000-km voyage across the Great Sand Sea. Despite the lack of water, that name is apt. Like mariners, we don’t follow a specified route. We are guided by the sun, compasses, dead-reckoning, and (like modern sailors) GPS. If the dunes are the swells of the open ocean, our first day’s trip is an excursion though a field of icebergs. Towering monuments, hoodoos, and mesas of stark white limestone provide a maze through which we meander, opening up to a featureless flat sand plain.


Our Egyptian outfitter, his French partner, and the local drivers and crew make this trip several times every year. They plot their GPS tracks on satellite images downloaded from the web. They never repeat the same route, but offset their trips by enough distance that they explore parts of the desert that have never been crossed before.


Bedouin-style tea

February in the Sahara is cool, and the wind blows so hard on the Great Sand Sea that it can be hazy like a marine fog. Our meals here are accompanied with sugar saturated tea brewed Bedouin-style over an open flame of apricot wood carried from the orchards of Bahariya.


To the southwest, the rolling sand builds to great dunes and the sea rises. Vehicles frequently get stuck and have to be rescued by digging and driving them up special aluminum ramps. It takes a special sailor’s eye to distinguish between a safe hard surface and the treacherous soft sand, especially at 100 kilometers/hour. Arabic, French, and English conversations crackle over the radio, and throbbing Egyptian music plays on the driver’s iPod.


He approached the assignment with some healthy skepticism, but now believes the effort bore some scientific fruit. Just before we reach the site of the glass, the dunes become linear — unbroken parallel ranges running north-south for hundreds of kilometers. Here we must carefully pick our crossings, and then we run at high speed southward in the corridors between the dunes, the “freeways” that have been used by nomads for centuries (as evidenced by 100-year-old camel skeletons).


On our third day after leaving the last road, our maps tell us we are within the area where glass has been found. We stop to look. There are pieces of sandstone everywhere, and no plants in sight. It looks strikingly like the surface of Mars, and sand sifts underfoot. The first bits of glass we find are yellow-green jewels that have smooth surfaces sculpted by the incessant wind. We hold them up to the sun to see how the light refracts and scatters. This is probably what the Pharaohs did with their piece, and the Neolithic people before them.


Nine days of geologic exploration and discussion bore fruit. You get to know your colleagues well during long days driving and long nights in camp. Everyone figures out the strengths and weaknesses in one another’s ideas. It would be premature to claim that we solved the mystery, but new friendships and collaborations have emerged, and renewed interest in this scientific mystery has energized debate over this unique glass.


Applying high-performance computing to a scientific mystery

While most natural glasses are volcanic in origin, rare exceptions are tektites, formed by shock melting associated with hypervelocity impacts of comets or asteroids. The Libyan Desert Glass falls into neither of these categories and has baffled scientists since its 1932 discovery.


Sandia physicist Mark Boslough’s study of the 1994 collision of Comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 with Jupiter provided an opportunity to model a hypervelocity atmospheric impact. Along with observation of the actual event, the model provided insights that provided a likely scenario for the formation of the Libyan Desert Glass.


Using Sandia’s Red Storm supercomputer, Boslough and his team ran a three-dimensional simulation, using huge amounts of memory and processing power. The simulation supports the hypothesis that the glass was formed by radiative heating and ablation of sandstone and alluvium near the “ground zero” of a 100- megaton or larger explosion caused by the breakup of a comet or asteroid.


Expedition camp was set up in “corridor B” in the southern part of the Great Sand Sea, within the area of Libyan Desert Glass. The corridors — made up of relatively recent gravels and separated by linear dunes — have long provided travel routes in this remote area.


The shock-physics simulations show a 120-meter-diameter asteroid entering the atmosphere at a speed of 20 kilometers/second and breaking apart just before hitting the ground. The fireball generated by the explosion remains in contact with the Earth’s surface at temperatures exceeding the melting temperature of quartz for more than 20 seconds. The fireball and the air speed behind the blast wave (hundreds of meters per second during the 20 seconds) are consistent with melting and rapid quenching to form the Libyan Desert Glass.


Although the risk to humans for such an impact is remote, it is not negligible, Boslough notes. The precise probability of such an event and its consequences are difficult to calculate, but research on large aerial bursts is forcing risk assessment to recognize and account for these large natural processes. Expedition camp was set up in “corridor B” in the southern part of the Great Sand Sea, within the area of Libyan Desert Glass. The corridors — made up of relatively recent gravels and separated by linear dunes — have long provided travel routes in this remote area.


By Mark Boslough

Monday, December 8, 2008

WORMCRAWL ISLAND



The Worm that Walks is imprisoned within an obelisk at the heart of Wormcrawl Island, a remote place not found on any nautical chart, forgotten by all but the wisest sages and most despicable cultists. This island is wild and deadly, filled with monsters of incalculable horror and might, infested with the worst sorts of creatures imaginable. The people who entombed Kyuss here chose wisely, for none but the most courageous (or foolish) would dare explore the haunted jungles, brave the swarms of biting vermin, or contend with the monstrous threats contaminating the place. Through the ages, many have settled here, including savage humans, forest giants, and others. No settlement has survived the perils of the island, instead succumbing to beasts of the jungle, madness inspired by the obelisk, or violence committed against one another. Ruins filled with bones and rot testify to the carnage of the inhabitants’ deaths.


KEY FEATURES


To an outsider, the island is like any other tropical paradise, with high, mist-shrouded peaks and lush jungles buzzing with life. The forest canopy is home to several varieties of monkeys, birds whose plumage runs the spectrum, all sorts of crawling insects, and, of course, worms. Beneath its breathtaking exterior lies rot, decay, and pulsing evil. Wormcrawl Island is about four miles in diameter. Two mountains dominate the terrain. The eastern mountain is older and covered by dense jungle, and the western peak is jagged, bare, and topped with a smoking crater. Runoff from the mountains drains down to the interior and gathers in a large freshwater lake. The lake feeds a river that cuts a path to the ocean. Gathering on the shores of the river is dense foliage consisting of thorny bushes, tall grasses, and odd flowers. The most notable feature of the island is at its center, where the Worm that Walks languishes in the prison of its obelisk. All around the 100-foot-tall spire is blood rock, stone infused with the blood of countless sacrifices. Spewing up from this stone are pools of slime infused with Kyuss’s pestilence. The islet rises in the center of a sea of hot tar. Great bubbles rise from its depths to burst and release poisonous fumes that waft across the shores and fill the air with toxins.


DEFENSES


The island is home to numerous creatures—undead and aberrations mostly—but there are all sorts of vermin, magical beasts, and other predators as well. Although these threats are many and varied, characters of a level likely to be exploring this place should be more than a match for such creatures.


ENCOUNTER AREAS


The encounter map depicts one possible approach, placing the obelisk in the center of the island. If the adventurer travel from a different direction, change the compass to a direction serving your needs or sketch out the rest of the island. The following encounter areas are but a sample of those that could take place here.


A. Gruesome Greeting

Skulls mounted on stained poles along the island’s shores serve as warnings to drive off unwanted visitors. The skulls are all humanoid, and a check reveals small holes riddling each.



B. The River

The river is not deep enough for a seafaring vessel to navigate; characters equipped with rowboats can move upstream without a problem. The river is 100 feet wide on average. It is home to giant crocodiles, schools of flesh-eating fish, and a variety of water snakes. Swarms of biting insects carry filth fever, and each hour of travel adventurers must succeed on Fortitude saves or contract the disease.



C. The Lake

Waterfalls spilling down from the mountain create a beautiful spectacle for those coming upon this place, masking the danger lurking beneath its waters. Five hideous leechwalkers rise up and attack any who come too close.



D. Caves

A few caves and fissures pierce the slope of the volcano. Venting out from these gaps are plumes of poisonous gas. Characters flying over the island or climbing the volcano must make a Fortitude save against the poisonous air each minute they remain in the area. Each cave descends 1d4×100 feet into the volcano. In their depths, at least a dozen blessed spawn of Kyuss work to breach the walls and flood the tunnels and the island with lava to destroy the obelisk and free their master.




E. Volcano

A volcano towers over the island, rising above the lower slopes at a sharp climb up to 2,000 feet above sea level at the lip of the caldera. At the top, the ground gives way to a 500-foot-deep pit a thousand feet across. At the bottom is a churning soup of lava, spewing clouds of poisonous gas and the occasional spray of flaming rock into the air. Characters lingering here are subject to the same In addition, there’s a 20% chance each minute that something belches forth from the flaming pit, striking a random character. The creature struck must succeed on a Reflex save or take bludgeoning damage and fire damage.



F. The Unquiet Jungle

The jungle that covers much of the land west of the volcano is crawling with fierce insects and contaminated by parasites and diseases delivered by clouds of thirsty mosquitoes. Each hour the characters travel through the jungles exposes them to slimy doom.



G. Shattered Idol

Rising up like a crone’s finger from the western mountain are the remains of a shattered idol. Little is left to testify to its original form, though it’s clear the figure wore robes. Rubble litters the ground around the idol, and 50 feet down the slope lies the head, which is carved to look like a mass of worms.



H. Sacred Pool

This pool served as a sacred meeting place. It is now black and corrupt, with a skin of green slime coating its surface. The water feeding the pool spills into the murk without disturbing the surface. The grass and underbrush all around is brown and slippery with rot. A successful Search check of the area turns up a few scraps of cloth, a shattered symbol of Obad-Hai, and a scattering of maggot-infested flesh.


I. Polluted Lake

The marsh is a mess of mud, pools of brown water, and dead reeds. In its center is a still, black pool of stinking water. Just beneath the surface are the rotting remains of the villagers who lived here. The salts of the water preserve their bodies, keeping them ready for animation. As long as no one drinks the water, the pool and its contents are harmless. Consuming or touching the water exposes the characters to the tiny green worms crawling through the muck. The worms function as those bestowed by the blessed spawn of Kyuss’s bestow worm ability .



J. Tar Pit

The islet that surrounds the obelisk is encircled by a sea of tar.


LINK


Sunday, December 7, 2008

THE ROMAN EMPIRE DOES NOT FALL


Author’s Excuses and clarifications

First of all I know there are a few jumps in this timeline, especially in the later half. I know that the Romans had no practical way of finding Iceland (Atlantis is Iceland). But the fact is that from the north coast of Scotland there isn't that long a way to Iceland. Also the Vikings found the country by similar accidents so at least I think this is perfectly plausible.


Although it would appear that way this timeline is not ”let the Roman Empire continue so Flavian Aetius can take over” in fact when I began this time line I had almost no idea who this guy was. It wasn't until I was knee deep in the civil war that I realized that I needed a hero to get things right. The Roman Protectorates during that era were mostly Roman in name only as several new tribes settled in those provinces regardless whether or not Flavius thought the lands were under his control.


Also regarding the minor industrial revolution. I'm not talking about full blown steam engines. It’s more of a more efficient way to make and build things. The heavy plow is a good example of a tool that revolutionizes the world without making machines. Imagine the Romans knowing the basis for steam engines but not having the metallurgy for it.

Alternate History Wiki

What is Alternative History?

Simply put, alternate history is the exercise of looking at the past and asking “what if”? What if some major historical event had gone differently? How might the world have been changed immediately, and in the long term? Popular “what if” questions include “what if the Nazis had won WW2?” and “what if the South had won the US Civil War?”

To be more precise, alternate history generally exists as works of fiction, either in narrative (story) format or in the form of an essay or other non-narrative work, which have been created at least in part to showcase an imagined world where a change at some point in history led to events that could have happened, but did not happen in the actual past. A work of alternate history may focus on a point in the past, showing a departure from real history occurring, or it may focus on an altered world that resulted from the consequences of a departure long past.

In the vast majority of alternate history scenarios the departure from real history occurred within recorded history, but in some cases it may have been an event in prehistory, even a geological difference. The key point is that alternate histories deal with imagined or hypothetical worlds whose history is the same as our history up to some point, and then changes significantly.

Alternate history is sometimes abbreviated “AH” for short. According to some people “Alternative History” is more grammatically correct, but “Alternate History” is now well established as the common usage. Alternate history scenarios are sometimes colloquially referred to as “what-ifs”, or WIs for short. Other less common names include “counterfactual history” (used mainly by historians), “allohistory”, and “uchronia/uchronie” (used mainly in the French language).

Alternate history stories are usually considered a subgenre of science fiction, which is where you will usually find them in the book store, and there are also often alternate history “crossovers” with fantasy. It is entirely possible and in fact quite common, however, for alternate histories to contain no new science or technology, and no fantastic elements, merely depicting a world where history went differently. A great many alternate history novels and short stories have been written, and some non-narrative books. The existence of the genre goes back over a century, although it has only been in the last few decades that it has really become a significant subgenre of its own.

There is also a thriving community of alternate history fans on the web, with many amateur works of alternate history and active discussion forums. In other media, however, alternate history is relatively rare. It is found occasionally in television, film, comics, and computer games. This is probably both because developing an alternate history in such a way that it is interesting requires a level of background that comes across best with the detail of writing, and because alternate history requires a level of historical knowledge and interest that is not present in enough of the potential mass media audience to justify going to frequent effort to do it well.

Thursday, December 4, 2008

THE EMERLAS



The northern tip of Canolbarth Forest is a wild and beautiful area known as the Emerlas. Shrouded in mystery and legend, the Emerlas is home to numerous creatures. Floating high above the Emerlas is the Shining Isle of Karelia, a faedorne. The Shining Isle is only visible at night and appears as a bright star in the heavens, known to the elves as the Star of Galannor.

Two thousand years ago, the red dragon Gorkalk flew out of the northern mountains and destroyed large tracts of the Emerlas. Seeking a champion to combat the dragon, Karelia’s attention lighted on Galannor Nightflame, an elfin hero of great renown, dwelling in Alfheim to the south. Karelia sent a raven as her messenger to Galannor Nightflame to lead him from Alfheim. Galannor made haste to the Emerlas and sought out Gorkalk’s lair in the Misty Hills. There, a terrible fight ensued and, in spite of his wounds, Galannor slew the dragon. Karelia was impressed with Galannor’s bravery. In her silver ship, she carried the wounded hero to the Shining Isle where he now lives beyond his span of years.

Since then the Emerlas has been peaceful and many creatures have made it their home. Recently, however, the red dragon Khordarg has moved into the lair of her great grandfather, Gorkalk. By employing threats and promises of wealth she has brought many humanoid bands under her control. Khordarg now plans to lay waste to the area, and she has already destroyed the dwarven stronghold of Granitgape and the human hamlet of Scrubton . At the start of the adventure, only Erystelle’s great uncle Druinder suspects Khordarg’s existence.

DORNERYLL

Erystelle’s home, Dorneryll is a large oak tree on the southern edge of the Emerlas. On brightly painted platforms high in the branches of Dorneryll, the elves of Erystelle’s family have made their homes. The area around the tree is laid out with pleasant flower, vegetable and herb gardens. To the east of the tree are a few outbuildings and stables for the family’s horses. The nearest elfin dwelling to Dorneryll is that of Druinder, the elfin smith to the north west. All other elves live to the south, deep in Canolbarth Forest. As a youngster, Erystelle was never allowed to wander far in the Emerlas and consequently the character’s knowledge of the area is sketchy. On reaching maturity, Erystelle headed south to Alfheim, the elf king’s court, and to lands beyond.

ERYSTELLE’S DESTINY HOMECOMING

After years of adventuring in distant lands, Erystelle has decided to return home. But the homecoming will be far from pleasant; most of Dorneryll’s inhabitants lie dead, slain by the red dragon Khordarg, while Dorneryll itself is in flames. This vicious attack cannot go unavenged ...

THE EMERLAS

A letter found by the burning trunk of Dorneryll will lead to the forge of Erystelle’s great uncle. Druinder will suggest that Erystelle attempts to recall Galannor Nightflame. Druinder thinks that the hermit of the north will know how this is to be done and gives directions to the hermit’s cave. Unfortunately, the hermit has gone into hiding and Erystelle will be unable to find him until much later in the quest. However, Fate has chosen Erystelle to save the Emerlas and to be as great a hero as Galannor Nightflame. After collecting numerous clues, Erystelle will discover the location and secret of the Shattered Pillars. From here, Erystelle will journey to the Shining Isle aboard the silver ship of Karelia the faedorne.

THE SHINING ISLE

Two tests face Erystelle on the Shining Isle. If the Silver Warrior is defeated and the Bridge of Change successfully negotiated, Erystelle will arrive at the Silver Glade. Here, Karelia the faedorne awaits with the magical items of Galannor - including the sentient sword, Scorbane.

THE MISTY HILLS

Journeying to Khordarg's lair. Erystelle will discover thousands of humanoids ready for an assault on Alfheim. To slay Khordarg, Erystelle has to sneak through a cave system to the dragon's lair and there face her in single combat.

Lamassu-colossi


Šedu and lamassu were the names of benevolent demons in Mesopotamia. In Assyrian palaces, some of the more important gates and doorways had monolithic sculpted jambs representing striding winged bulls or lions with a human face. While the image of the human-headed bull is common in the Assyrian iconography, the architectural application may derive from Anatolia, where carved jambs had been used by the Hittites (see BOGHAZKÖY, ALAÇA HÜYÜK). Their purpose in the words of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon was ‘to turn back an evil person, guard the steps and secure the path of the king who fashioned them’ (Ash.62f). The Achaemenians took over the theme of the winged guardians, interpreted in the more dynamic manner of their art (see Gate of Xerxes, PERSEPOLIS).

Edzard, D.O. (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie VI (Berlin, New York 1980–83) 447


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Wednesday, December 3, 2008

CLASSIC MAYA WITCHES PART II


Adult males and females, juveniles, and infants are found in Actun Tunichil Muknal and Actun Uayazba Kab in west-central Belize. Major differences are context (surface or subsurface), evidence for trauma (present or absent), and grave goods (present or absent). Why were people treated differently at death at the two caves?

Were the dead of Tunichil Muknal all innocent victims? Or were some guilty, or at least perceived as being guilty (i.e., witch persecution)? Actun Uayazba Kab, located closer to a settlement (Cahal Witz Na), demonstrates more evidence for funerary rites and the creation of ancestors, who were kept relatively close to the living in a “lineage mountain.” Most individuals were buried beneath a plaster floor, along with offerings. In contrast, Actun Tunichil Muknal goes deeper into the mountain – that is, closer to the sacred – and is dangerous. The dead were not accorded traditional burial rites; they were perhaps killed and then placed on the surface – without offerings. These people were left exposed without any protection from the elements or the perilous underworld. These individuals could have been sacrificial victims; just as vessels were terminated or killed, so too were humans. If this were the case, who was chosen and why? Under what circumstances are human sacrifices necessary? It likely would take something drastic to result in the killing of a person who was a member of the community – not an every-day kind of problem. It also could be that individuals in both caves were left as offerings to the gods of the underworld, or Chac the rain god, or the maize god, especially in times of trouble or misfortune. For example, in colonial Yucatán, Bishop de Landa noted that the Maya would make pilgrimages during famine when they “were reduced to eating the bark of trees” (Tozzer, 1941:180) to the Sacred Cenote at Chichén Itzá to pray and offer sacrifices for rain. Caves may have served a similar purpose, and in some instances infants, children, and some adults may have been selected for sacrifice because of their innocence and purity (e.g., Anda, and Hurtado et al. in this volume; Moyes and Gibbs, 2000).

Some of the adults in Tunichil Muknal, however, could have been selected because of a community-wide consensus that a particular person’s death would restore order – which might explain the evidence for violence and the haphazard placement of the remains. Perhaps they represent not just offerings, but punishment for the perceived threat they presented in life. This is witchcraft persecution: the punishment of someone to bring things back to normal. Their bodies were disposed of in the same place they were believed to have performed the malevolent ceremonies that brought ill fortune to the community. By killing or sacrificing someone, the Maya deactivated their evil power. And just like the Lacandon abandon deanimated pots in sacred caves because they are still dangerous, the same goes for malevolent persons – witches; the evil power with which they – and their bodies – are imbued demanded a similar fate.

By offering such individuals, who perhaps were thought to have acted against the gods, the living condemned their spirits to the malevolent gods of the underworld. Or, just as the hero twins of the Maya creation story killed the “evil” gods of the underworld by refusing to bring them back to life, the same could have been done to “witches” by not allowing their spirits to be released, not allowing them to travel into the “after-life,” thus ending their life all together. Perhaps sending such witches into caves was a way of sending them “back,” or giving them up to some of the potential evil dwellers residing in the underworld.

Or perhaps the Maya wanted to ensure that upon a witch’s death their spirit would go directly to the underworld – the place were souls were believed to have traveled upon death – and not continue wandering around the earth wreaking havoc.

In conclusion, there are thousands of caves in the southern Maya lowlands, and most, if not all, contain offerings. A majority of caves have human remains, some of which were enclosed in urns or subsurface burials, and some of which were not. The physical removal of the dead from the community and the living to places such as caves, also deemed as sacred places in the landscape, separated the individual from their social positions within the community – either emphasizing their importance, or removing them all together and negating their position. Why people were disposed of rather than buried has been the main focus of this paper – to explore the possibility that Classic Maya witches existed. The prevalence of witch persecution and witch killings cross-culturally, including throughout Mesoamerica, past and present, demands that we consider that not all sacrificial victims were chosen for their innocence.

CLASSIC MAYA WITCHES PART I


Prehispanic Maya funeral rites include the burying of the deceased in house or shrine floors or other architectural settings, typically with offerings (e.g., McAnany, 1995). Human remains showing “hasty disposal,” and/or consisting of disarticulated remains might comprise those “. . . who were perhaps regarded as nonpersons” (Geller, 2004:422), such as children, slaves – or, as we argue, witches. Geller (2004:301–308), in her work comparing burial patterns and skeletal remains from several sites and contexts in northwestern Belize, discusses partial remains as possibly indicating veneration, mutilation, or remembrance. She also notes the difficulty of distinguishing between them. Context, however, might provide useful clues (see Scott and Brady, 2005; Tiesler, and Medina and Sánchez in this volume; Moyes and Gibbs, 2000).

Human remains in nonfunerary or nonburial contexts, such as partial remains on or underneath architectural floors, might reflect the remains of sacrificial victims, while similarly placed remains on surfaces in caves might reflect the disposal of witches. It has largely been assumed that ritual violence only involves the sacrifice of innocent victims (see Tiesler in this volume). Witch killings, however, need to be considered as a possible explanation for some violent deaths, or even as a type of sacrifice – specifically of a noninnocent person, or one who is perceived as being malevolent by his or her peers. The challenge is to distinguish one from the other; in such cases context becomes just as critical as evidence of violence, especially since the latter occurs to both the innocent and “guilty.” Several types of violent deaths and associated physical evidence; taking this evidence into account, as well as the context of remains, is critical to distinguish sacrificial victims from possible killed witches. And it is important to keep in mind that not all forms of ritual violence leave telling evidence; “strangulation, disembowelment, or imprisonment in a cave leave little or no signatures” (Scott and Brady, 2005:276).

The majority of remains found in the caves listed are from surface contexts (55%, n = 17) rather than formal burials. The remaining contexts include surface and burials (10%, n = 3), urns or burials (26%, n = 8), and unknown contexts (10%, n = 3). It is necessary to note that not all of the caves listed in Table 3.2 have been excavated, and thus the actual number of burials is unknown. We are not suggesting that all surface remains represent sacrificial victims and/or witches; however, we are suggesting a re-evaluation of human remains recovered from surface contexts.

Unfortunately, in most cases the sex of the individuals is unknown or not recorded. Of the few surface remains identified, 15 are male and 16 are female; subadults were noted in 37 cases, as were 49 adults. For the sake of comparison, of the identified buried remains, there are 10 females, 12 males, 18 subadults, and 44 adults. Due to the limited information, it is not possible to present firm conclusions. However, the human remains found in caves on surfaces begs the question of why the Maya deposited people (or killed them) in such dangerous places as caves, whether they be ancestors, sacrificial victims, or witches. This behavior clearly is prevalent through space (Guatemala, Mexico, and Belize) and time (Preclassic through Postclassic periods). More research on remains in caves is needed to conduct a proper comparison with residential or architectural burials. Burials in structures typically represent ancestor veneration (McAnany, 1995) – what does this fact signify regarding the role of the deposition of the dead in caves?

Monday, December 1, 2008

CIVILIZATION 9,000 YEARS AGO




Conjectural image of daily life in Catal Huyuk


Does a Long-Lost Turkish Metropolis Qualify for the Oldest-City Award?

BY PETER KING

Thanks to modern techniques of accurate dating, the list of candidates for ‘First City’ on earth, at least as far as conventional archaeology is concerned, has thinned considerably in recent years. At various times in history, though, several cities have pressed claims for the distinction.


For some decades Ur of the Chaldees, the powerful capital of Sumer, which included a large part of ancient Mesopotamia, was at the top of the list. Under the direction of archaeologist Leonard Woolley, excavation during the period between the two World Wars culminated in the finding of 16 royal tombs. In these were gold artifacts, copper daggers, lapis lazuli jewelry, chariots and oxen and the bodies of dozens of courtiers who had committed suicide so as to accompany their royal masters into the next world, many of them holding musical instruments.


Jerusalem had a big advantage with its claim to the title—frequent mentions in the Bible, the Torah and the Egyptian Execration Texts (written in 1900 B.C.). The earliest traces of human settlement in Jerusalem are from the Early Bronze Age, about 3,000 B.C. Excavations south of the Temple Mount have revealed a human settlement, and near the Goon Spring, the foundations of a great stone wall have been uncovered. The Old Testament refers to Melchizedek as ‘King of Jerusalem’ and tells of his meetings with Abraham, the Hebrew prophet. According to the Bible, control of the city passed through various tribes and coalitions until a relative stability was reached when David, who had united the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, established Jerusalem as the capital of the Jewish kingdom. He was succeeded by King Solomon who enlarged the city and built his temple.


A period of intense archaeological activity at the early part of the twentieth century brought a further contender for the coveted title of ‘the oldest city in the world.’ This was Damascus in Syria where excavations on the outskirts indicated that it had been inhabited as early as 8,000 B.C. although it was probably not ‘a city’ in those days but rather a number of unconnected groups of dwellings.


An expedition excavating south of Damascus in 1950 proved that an urban center existed in the 4th century B.C., just southeast of the city we know today. Archaeological attempts continue to determine more closely when, during the period from 8,000 B.C. to 400 B.C., the first ‘city’ arose.


Pottery has been turned up pre-dating the latter date, and also found were the remains of a highly advanced irrigation system which had been improved and extended by successive rulers throughout the ensuing centuries. Damascus first came under Western control when the armies of Alexander the Great captured it in 323 B.C.. The history of the city from that time on became a list of foreign conquerors. From the Persians, it passed to the Mamelukes, the Mongols, to the Greeks and then the Romans. The city was taken by Muslim soldiers in A.D. 635 and has remained in Muslim custody ever since.


In 1961, another British archaeologist, James Mellaart, began digging at a site containing large mounds on a plateau in Central Anatolia in what today is Turkey. It was not an impressive sight, a pitted, gullied area amid a rolling plain of wheatfields. But Mellaart was confident that the mounds concealed settlements abandoned even before the beginning of the Bronze Age, and his confidence was soon justified. A settlement dated at 5400 B.C. was discovered—and the work continued at an increased pace, the archaeologists electrified by the uncovering of a time that pre-dated any discovery yet made. To their amazement, still another settlement beneath it was unearthed, dating from an even earlier period.


Further excavation revealed yet another city beneath that and the extraordinary series of discoveries continued until no less than thirteen levels, each representing an earlier city, were exposed! The earliest of these dated back to 6800 B.C.


James Mellaart continued his work for four years, until 1965. Legal problems intervened then, concerning his publication of drawings of Bronze Age artifacts which later disappeared—the now infamous ‘Dorak Affair.’ The site lay idle until September in 1993 when digging re-commenced under the leadership of Ian Hodder and a team from the University of Cambridge.


Hodder’s team undertook a completely different and more thorough approach. Whereas Mellaart had excavated two hundred buildings in four seasons, Hodder spent an entire season unearthing only one building. Today, barely one acre out of a 32-acre site has been excavated.


Nevertheless, even though new research from India may cast doubt on the proposition, most conventional archaeologists are currently convinced that the spot is in fact the mother city of civilized life on earth, the ancestress of all cities and the center of the first great prehistoric civilization. The amount of knowledge gathered from the two periods of excavation has been enormous and it seems to give us a glimpse of just what life was like at the dawn of modern mankind’s sojourn on earth, long before recorded history— as far back as nine thousand years ago.


The inhabitants of earth’s first city were apparently aware of their precarious location. A landscape painting on the wall of a shrine in Catal Huyuk shows that they knew of the twin volcanoes less than a hundred miles away from their city. The painting depicts smoke rising. At least they were able to take advantage of previous eruptions as indicated by the many ax heads, knife blades, scrapers and other tools and weapons made from obsidian, the volcanic glass spewed out by volcanic action, which were found at the site.


This complex settlement seems to have had a population of close to 10,000 at its peak. This figure must have varied but was in all likelihood never less than 5,000 throughout most of the duration of Catal Huyuk’s period of activity which had a number of intriguing variations.


The top layers of the mound, that is, those containing the most recent buildings, are dated to 5,600 B.C.. The city was mysteriously and suddenly abandoned at about this time and a new city, designated Catal Huyuk West was founded several miles away across the Carsamba Cay River. The most likely reason for the desertion would seem to have been volcanic eruption from Hasan Dag, the nearby twin-coned volcano, but the argument has been raised that in this case, the new city would surely have been located further away.


Catal Huyuk West was apparently occupied for about 700 years, then it too, was abandoned, again for no obvious reason. About 4,900 B.C., the entire region was deserted, again without explanation. The oldest layer has been dated to before 6,500 B.C. and it is thought that the site was occupied for several hundred years at the least before that and possibly even several millennia. Consequently, the full duration of Catal Huyuk’s existence can be said to stretch approximately from 7,000 B.C. to 4,900 B.C.


The denizens of Catal Huyuk lived in houses built of mud-brick and although huddled together, there were no streets. The houses were accessed through holes in the ceilings and ladders to the floor. The holes served for ventilation and the expulsion of cooking fumes. A main room was used for cooking and daily activities, though in good weather the roofs were used for many activities including community relations. Raised platforms were built along the walls of the rooms for sleeping, sitting and working. All these surfaces were plastered smooth and timbered beams reinforced the roof. Many niches were built into the walls which were plastered and whitened with gesso and frequently decorated with paintings. A separate storage room adjoined.


Although the houses were crowded together to form the entire ‘city,’ they were built into groups separated by small spaces and strung around a central, larger area that served as a meeting place. No defensive walls have been excavated, so that there must have been no fear of attack by more aggressive tribes, although the exterior houses had a thicker wall on the outside, perhaps for insulation against temperature extremes.


The people of Catal Huyuk were skilled in agriculture, and the domestication of animals and their skills increased through the centuries. Their nutritional needs were supplied by barley and wheat as well as ‘triticum,’ a hardy variety of wheat common in the Near East, while the growing of peas, almonds, pistachios and fruit as well as the raising of sheep and cattle were all pursued. Hunting for food was another major activity.


Very little trash was found by the archaeologists, which was taken to mean that the rooms were kept surprisingly clean. Rubbish heaps were located some distance away from the houses. In addition to the dwellings, larger buildings that served as sanctuaries have been identified. This conclusion was reached by studying decorations on the walls, many in relief. A great number are modeled in plaster and show bulls’ heads. Many contain the horns of actual aurochs, the ancestor of the bull, and seem clearly related to the animal that formed the basis of the cult on the island of Crete in the Bronze Age.


In Catal Huyuk, the people buried their dead inside the city. Human remains have been found in pits under the floors of houses. The bodies were wrapped in mats made of reeds or laying in baskets. In some graves, the bones were not all connected and it is supposed that the bodies were exposed in the open air for some time after death before the bones were collected for burial. In a procedure depicted on wall paintings the bodies had been de-fleshed by vultures. Occasional decapitated bodies have been turned up and the corresponding heads have been found in other parts of the city where they may have been used in a religious ritual. In some instances, skulls covered over with plaster have had faces painted on them in ochre to resemble human faces—a practice common in other Neolithic sites found in Syria and Palestine.


It seems that there were no social classes in Catul Huyuk. Men and women apparently had equal status and contributed equally. No dwellings have been found to date that would suggest they had belonged to priests or lords or kings.


Excavations in 2004 and 2005 revealed a surprising number of female figurines and this has been interpreted by some as suggesting that Catal Huyuk was the source of the Great Mother Goddess religion—the universal faith of Europe, the Near East and the Far East. The concepts of fertility and fecundity are prominent in Neolithic cults where life was precious despite being cheap and short. Female figurines far outnumber those of males and are carefully shaped and well formed. Several of the locations where these have been excavated are believed by James Mellaart to have been used as shrines. One interesting exception was a small statue of a Mother Goddess flanked by two lions and, as this was found in a grain bin, the theory is that she was intended to be a protector of the vital food supply. Of course artifacts indicating the worship of a mother goddess and probably predating Catul Huyuk have been found throughout Europe.


The Catul Huyuk figurines were carved from a variety of materials including marble, alabaster, limestone, schist, clay, basalt and calcite. Obsidian tools were employed—the production of which was a specialty of the artisans of Catal Huyuk and which they traded widely.


Catal Huyuk appears to have been not only the first city but the hub of a network of smaller cities, all combined in a trading union that extended over hundreds of miles. At various times of the year, the walls of Catal Huyuk were painted in bright colors, tents and stock yards were erected, craft shops exhibited their wares, entertainers danced, juggled, offered magic acts and tricks of legerdemain. Traders came to obtain the prized obsidian and in turn offered seashells from the Mediterranean and flint from Syria. Marriage exchanges did a brisk business, and religious services and rituals were held.


Catal Huyuk was a bustling place on these occasions and was, some believe, the largest concentration of humans on planet Earth. No World Fair could have been as well supported.


So until further exploration reveals another candidate, perhaps in India, Catal Huyuk will be regarded by orthodox archaeology as the first city on earth; and while obvious differences exist, the people and practices of Catal Huyuk, nine thousand years ago, appear to be not that different from our own.



LINK


Saturday, November 29, 2008

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE MAYAS


Ruined cornice of a giant wall at El Mirador


Mayan pyramid at Uxmal

Hollywood Aside, What Do We Really Know About the Sudden Disappearance of Central America’s Mystery People?

BY FRANK JOSEPH

Director Mel Gibson’s new movie Apacalypto purports to be a fictional story set in the time of the Mayas, though the film’s ending— showing Spanish ships arriving off the Mexican coast—seems to place the tale in the time of the Aztecs, long after the Mayan civilization had vanished from the scene. And as strange and disturbing as the movie is, the real enigma of the Central American Mayas may be even stranger and more disturbing than fiction could ever convey. The Great Mystery of the Maya is: Why did their civilization suddenly shut down? And what became of them? These two questions have bedeviled archaeologists since the 19th century, and have remained unanswered even with the late 20th century translation of Mayan hieroglyphs.

 

After more than a thousand years of building city-states across Yucatan, the Maya abandoned them, never to return. But they left behind no evidence of plague, famine, or war to explain their disappearance. To be sure, their faulty agricultural system resulted in wide-spread hunger, even starvation. And the once idyllic image of the Maya as humane astronomer-priests more interested in celestial matters than murderous militarists bent on conquest was dispelled when their temple inscriptions were translated. They do indeed reveal a race of genius mathematicians, colorful artists and urban builders, but with a darker streak of inter-city fighting and human sacrifice. Some scholars conclude that this disappointing penchant for bloodshed rendered society no longer livable.

 

But the translations also show that warfare was part and parcel of the Maya world for the length and breadth of their history. They reveal that Maya society was in a virtually constant state of war punctuated by episodes of treaty-brokered peace during which opposing sides contracted new alliances and rearmed themselves for renewed conflict. Campaigns fought at the close of Maya greatness were neither more nor less bloody nor far-flung than those waged since its beginning. True, Yucatan experienced bouts of mass starvation due to poor agrarian practices. But these, too, were endemic to Maya agriculture from the start. In fact, crop production throughout Middle America was bountiful at the time civilization there winked out.

 

Neither incessant warfare nor failed crops can adequately explain why a vast population spread across the entire Yucatan Peninsula and beyond, north into Mexico and south into Central America, abruptly ceased to function, if only because the Mayas never exercised any central authority over these extensive areas. Shortly before A.D. 900, their cities everywhere were abandoned in concert, as though some kind of a call or order went out to terminate their society. When an entire culture suddenly ceases to be, the comprehensive, decisive event invariably leaves behind clear, abundant evidence of its overwhelming impact. The collapse of civilization in the Indus Valley graphically appears in the mass graves of its people slaughtered by invading Aryan hordes. The fall of Homer’s Ilios is clearly outlined in the stratum of burnt material at Hissarlik’s Troy VIIb level, on the Aegean cost of Turkey. The nuclear scars left by USAF bombers at Hiroshima and Nagasaki will be still clearly visible for centuries to come. But nothing of the kind appears anywhere within the Mayas’ former sphere of influence. Even their preserved remains show no extraordinary indications of disease, famine or warfare.

 

As their way of life evidenced little or no sign of development, progress or change from first day to last, so nothing suggests social decline leading to a fall, nor any event horizon that definitively brought their history to an abrupt close. Why, then, did they shut down their still-prosperous cities and abandon their country after more than a millennium of unrelieved greatness?

 

Only one cause can account for the Mayas’ mass-evacuation, in unison, of every city-state across the Yucatan and beyond. But to grasp its identity and universal power, something of the Mayas’ origins and mentality must be first understood.

 

Mainstream scholars believe the Maya arose during a Formative Period around 200 B.C., followed by population increase and social coalescence in an Early Classic Period. Ceremonial cities and pyramid-building sprouted with the Classic Period, reaching their florescence before A.D. 900 in the Late Classic. The professionals are unable to explain exactly why simple hunter-gatherers, after uncounted millennia of preliterate existence, suddenly decided to become hieroglyph- literate, pyramid-building Maya astronomers and mathematicians. Archaeologists can only guess that 3rd century B.C. tribes may have reached a certain population density, from which organized society possibly emerged as a matter of course. This baseless assumption is a hard pill for any rational person to swallow, and smacks of 18th century scholars who believed mice were formed from corner cobwebs. More importantly, it ignores the Mayas’ obvious inheritance from their predecessors.

 

The Olmecs built America’s first civilization, beginning in the Veracruz area of northeastern Mexico, along the Atlantic coast, but eventually spread into what would later become the Maya lands, as far south as El Salvador. They introduced pyramid construction, hieroglyphs (recently discovered), city-planning, sculpture, medicine, irrigation, and all the other arts of civilized arts associated with Mesoamerica. While their earlier culture differed stylistically from the Maya, material and chronological connections are nonetheless obvious. The Olmecs went extinct around 400 B.C., and while this date pre-dates the Mayas’ Formative Period by two hundred years, the archaeologists themselves appear to have miscalculated.

 

In 1978, they were shocked to learn that the Mayas’ largest ceremonial city was built centuries before such complexes were supposed to have arisen. Located in the north of the modern department of El Petén, in Guatemala, El Mirador, “The Look-Out,” flourished from about the 10th Century B.C., reaching its height from the 3rd Century B.C. to the 2nd century A.D., with a peak population of perhaps 80,000 people. None of this, according to the experts, was supposed to have appeared until Classic, even Late Classic Times, many hundreds of years later.

 

El Mirador covers some ten square miles, and features a large, low, artificial platform topped with a set of three step-pyramids. One, nicknamed El Tigre, stands 180 feet high. But its companion, La Danta, is greater by fifty feet, making it the tallest structure the Maya ever built, this allegedly from the first day of their history, if not before. The sprawling platform on which it was perched is a base covering 74,000 feet of ground. Most of the structures at El Mirador were originally faced with beautifully cut stone covered by large, stucco murals depicting the gods and goddesses of the Maya, all here fully fleshed out in the otherworldly identities familiar to mythologists.

 

Dating the site prior to the presumed origin of Maya civilization are the remains of a wall that perhaps enclosed the entire location: the stones that went into its construction were reused from even earlier structures. El Mirador sits at the center of a series of ancient sacbeob, or raised, stone, pedestrian causeways, one stretching to another Maya ceremonial center at Nakbe, almost ten miles away. El Mirador’s age well overlaps the last few centuries of the Olmec, and its already advanced, even matchless construction affirm that the Maya not only inherited that earlier culture, but were, in fact, latter-day Olmecs, who carried on and developed the civilizing mission begun by their predecessors.

 

El Mirador is little known in the outside world, perhaps because its mere existence threatens to overturn the neat chronologies established by mainstream archaeologists. Indeed, the Maya themselves had nothing whatsoever to do with such academic timetables. As universally acknowledged mathematicians of unparalleled greatness, their understanding of their own beginnings is certainly worth more than the scientific guesswork of modern scholars. The Maya were, in fact, very exact, as they were in all things mathematical, concerning the precise moment of their coming into the world. In short, they believed their civilization was born on 12 August, 3113 B.C.

 

While archaeologists dismiss this date as impossibly contrary to modern understanding of Maya chronology, it coincides remarkably well with Olmec origins around 3000 B.C. Until the 1950s, the Olmec were believed to go back no earlier than two thousand, five hundred years ago. With the advent of radio-carbon techniques, however, a period circa 1200 B.C. became more acceptable, until improved testing pushed it back another three centuries. Most recently, research at the Olmec site of Jalapa revealed a late 4th millennium B.C. date, as confirmed by Dr. Pablo Bush-Romero, head of the National Archaeology Department for the Mexican government. It seems, then, that the Mayas were an outgrowth of Olmec culture, as they themselves suggest in their national birthday of 3113 B.C.

 

Like their predecessors, they worshiped numerous deities. But one mythic figure dominated their vast pantheon of gods and goddesses, nature-spirits and chthonic demons. The Mayas’ supreme being was Time. They realized that it created everything throughout the universe, destroyed everything, and restored everything in new forms. And the Great Omnipotence made its will known in the progress of celestial movement. Hence, the Mayas’ mastery of astronomy. Through attentive, accurate observation of the heavens, they learned what God expected of them. By putting themselves in accord with his celestial commandments, as expressed in the progress of the heavenly bodies, they fulfilled his plan for mankind, they believed. That was the spiritual basis for designing the Maya calendar. It came to absolutely rule their lives, and was consulted in all matters of state, as well as personal affairs. Marriages were contracted, children conceived, food eaten, burials conducted, wars waged, journeys undertaken, professions assigned, kings crowned, captives sacrificed— every human activity, high or low, was religiously regulated under the tyranny of time.

 

The lives not only of the Mayas, but of the high cultures that preceded and followed them, were absolutely overshadowed by this temporal god. The later Aztecs inherited his will in the form of the Tonalpohualli, a ritual calendar astrology, known as Tonalonamatl, used to plot the horoscopes of each member of the empire. The Tonalpouque were yet other priests who determined good and evil days. Merchants, sailors, traders and couriers could not begin their travels until the Tonalpouque had discovered the proper “One Serpent,” or Fortunate Day.

 

As the calendar had brought Mesoamerican civilization into existence at the end of the 4th millennium B.C., so it would ring down the curtain on the high culture of the Mayas at the proper moment. Their organic almanac was an abstract mechanism of intermeshing cycles strictly coinciding with the celestial patterns they observed. As the final Long Count ground to a halt, it signaled the end every Maya must obey. That moment arrived with the last gasp of the 9th century, when its universal recognition signaled a simultaneous evacuation of all ceremonial centers, including El Mirador.

 

Most of the Maya henceforward melded into the cultures of other, lesser peoples, losing forever their former identity and scientific greatness. A relative few traveled north, where they built the famous shining structures of Chichen Itza and Tulum.

 

Another contingent pushed beyond Yucatan and into the Gulf of Mexico, voyaging far up the Mississippi River into what is today known as western Illinois. There, across from Missouri’s “Gateway to the West,” the modern city of St. Louis, another, far older metropolis arose near the east bank of the Big Muddy.

 

Today, Cahokia is an archaeological park featuring the largest prehistoric earthwork in North America above the Rio Grande. Referred to as “Monks’ Mound” for the French Trappist monks who briefly occupied its one hundred-foot summit in the late 18th century before they went mad, its base of fourteen square acres is slightly larger than that of Egypt’s Great Pyramid, and comprises more than one million cubic feet of soil. During the zenith of the city’s far-flung influence one thousand years ago, its population topped thirty thousand residents. Surrounding the ceremonial center was a twenty-foot-tall stockade of plastered lime defended by hundreds of watch-towers more than four miles in circumference, and manned by a veritable legion of sentries.

 

Although conventional archaeologists are loathe to admit it, they cannot deny Cahokia’s unmistakably Maya features. If Monks’ Mound had been discovered in Yucatan instead of Illinois, they would have found it indistinguishable from any of the other step-pyramids raised by Mesoamerican construction engineers. True, none of the Maya temple platforms were made of earth, but ancient architects were no different than their modern counterparts, in that both were/are forced to build with the materials at hand; the area chosen for Cahokia has no limestone for quarrying.

 

In addition to striking, physical resemblances between Monks’ Mound and Maya pyramid design is something scholars call “Woodhenge.” One fifth of a mile from the great earthwork stands this formation of tall, red, cedar posts arranged in a circle. At its center, an observer sighted each one of the posts along the horizon to determine a wealth of celestial information—from the solstices and rising of the moon at its most northerly point (where it appears largest in the sky) to positions of specific constellations, with special emphasis on the Pleiades and Orion. This astronomical expertise was unique in the American Middle West and wholly unlike Plains Indian cosmology, but identical to the high science achieved by the Mayas.

 

As though to clinch the connection with southerly origins, Cahokia arose suddenly, without precedent, around A.D. 900, the same moment the Mayas abandoned their civilization in Yucatan. It seems clear they reestablished it in our country according to the will of Time, their chief deity.

 

But what became of the neo-Mayas after they re-created their culture in Illinois? That is yet another story.